Discurso en la AIPAC pronunciado por el Presidente Shimon Peres
Como el Presidente del Estado de Israel, vine aquí en primer lugar, decir en nombre de mi pueblo:
“Toda”
“Gracias”.
Gracias presidente Obama, por ser tan buen amigo.
Gracias AIPAC, por su dedicación y excelencia.
Es genial estar aquí.
Para estar juntos. Fuerte y unida.
Veo amigos viejos y nuevos. Veo muchas caras jóvenes. El futuro le pertenece a usted. Israel, te ama.
Estoy conmovido por su generoso tributo.
El presidente Shimon Peres, Discurso en la AIPAC Escrito por el presidente Shimon Peres.
Yo estoy aquí, ante ustedes, un hombre de esperanza. Orgulloso de ser judío, Orgulloso de ser israelí, Orgulloso de estar en el nacimiento de Israel, orgulloso de haber sirvió durante 65 años, orgullosos de nuestra alianza con los Estados Unidos.
Israel, como Estados Unidos, fue concebido como una idea, Nacido en desafío de la historia, la creación de un nuevo mundo apoyándose en los valores del pasado y las innovaciones del futuro.
Amigos,
La restauración de un estado judío después de dos mil años en el exilio – es un milagro histórico.
Empezamos como una duda y terminó como una certeza. Tuvimos que pelear seis guerras en seis décadas.
No se pierde una. Nosotros nunca lo hará.
No podemos permitirnos it.We tuvimos que defendernos. La defensa propia es nuestro derecho y obligación.
Con poca tierra el agua, o de los recursos, Israel creció diez veces en la población. Cincuenta veces en el producto interno bruto. Enriquece la alta tecnología y la innovación de Israel en el mundo hace su agricultura desiertos verdes. Israel construyó nuevos pueblos, nuevas ciudades, nuevas universidades, teatros y centros culturales nuevos. Nuestros hijos están hablando el lenguaje de los profetas. La literatura hebrea está floreciendo. De un pueblo disperso que se convirtió en una democracia unida.
Ningún día de la guerra jamás interrumpida un día de la Democracia.
Queridos amigos,
Permítanme una nota personal.
El destino me puso en el ojo de la tormenta. Tenía once años cuando mi querido abuelo,
Rabino Tzvi Melzer, me acompañó a la estación de tren de camino a Israel. Me abrazó y me susurró al oído sólo tres palabras,
“Simón…. siendo judíos. “
Esas fueron sus últimas palabras para mí.
Yo nunca lo vi de nuevo.
En 1942, cuando los nazis llegaron a su pueblo, obligaron a mi abuelo, junto con el resto de los Judios en la sinagoga de madera y le prendieron fuego.
Nadie sobrevivió.
Ni uno solo.
Lo que quedaba era el legado de mi abuelo, sus últimas palabras para mí “Stay judío”.
Queridos amigos,
Tuve el privilegio de trabajar con el padre de nuestra nación, mi mentor, David Ben-Gurion. Para mí, un gran liderazgo de Ben Gurion con el legado de mi abuelo se convirtió en mi brújula.
Que la brújula está compuesta por cuatro valores fundamentales:
Nuestro código moral. Nuestra búsqueda de la paz y la seguridad. Nuestra búsqueda de conocimiento. Nuestra alianza con Estados Unidos.
El código moral, el retorno a la Escritura y sus valores, permitió a los judíos a sobrevivir, desde hace cuatro mil años.
No por la cantidad – Debido a la calidad. No se debe a miles de armas de fuego – pero debido a los Diez Mandamientos. Nos guiamos por la llamada de nuestros profetas, para mí significa:
Para ser justo. Para hacer justicia. Para no negar la justicia a los demás.
Queridos amigos,
La búsqueda de la paz, para nosotros, no es una oportunidad de pasarlo es un imperativo moral. Es el principio de nuestra seguridad nacional. Para hacer la paz, Israel debe ser fuerte. Permítanme asegurarles,
Israel es fuerte.
Queridos amigos,
El Medio Oriente está experimentando su mayor tormenta. Con el derramamiento de sangre horrible en Siria, donde un tirano está matando a su gente, matando a los niños. Admiro la valentía del pueblo sirio. Les deseamos la paz y la libertad. A pesar de la tormenta, tenemos que llegar a la generación joven en el mundo árabe, a los que luchan por la libertad, la democracia y la paz. Los palestinos son nuestros vecinos de por vida. La paz puede y debe lograrse. Una paz basada en la
Una solución de dos estados
Un estado judío – Israel,
Un estado árabe – Palestina.
Fue aceptado por pasadas y presentes primeros ministros israelíes y presidentes estadounidenses: Bill Clinton, George W. Bush y Barack Obama. El principio de “El Estado de dos” solución
es un interés primordial de Israel.
Queremos preservar un Israel que es judío, democrático y atractivo. Me encuentro de vez en cuando con el Presidente Abbas y Fayyad PM. Ellos necesitan y quieren la paz.
Creo que la paz es posible.
Ellos son nuestros socios para la paz. No es Hamas.
Una paz que es un sueño para nosotros, es una pesadilla para los ayatolás en Irán. Irán es un mal, el régimen de trato cruel, moralmente corrupto. Se basa en la destrucción. y es una afrenta a la dignidad humana. Irán es el centro. El patrocinador. El financiador del terror mundial. Irán es un peligro para el mundo entero. Es una amenaza para Berlín, así como Madrid, Nueva Delhi, así como en Bangkok.
No sólo Israel.
La ambición de Irán es para controlar el Medio Oriente, por lo que puede controlar una parte importante de la economía mundial.
Debe ser detenido.
Y se detuvo.
Israel experimentó los horrores de la guerra. No lo buscan. La paz es siempre nuestra primera opción,
Pero, si nos vemos obligados a luchar, confiar en mí…. Vamos a prevalecer.
El presidente Obama está conduciendo y de ejecución, una política internacional compleja y decisiva, la imposición de sanciones económicas y políticas contra Irán. El presidente Obama dejó en claro que los EE.UU. no permitirá que Irán se convierta nuclear.
Que la contención no es una política sostenible, todas las opciones están sobre la mesa.
Los Estados Unidos e Israel comparten la misma meta – para impedir que Irán desarrolle un arma nuclear. No hay espacio entre nosotros.
Nuestro mensaje es claro:
Irán no desarrolle un arma nuclear.
Señoras y señores:
La búsqueda del conocimiento define la historia judía. El judaísmo es un debate constante.
Se trata de hacer las preguntas correctas. Se trata de ser una sociedad liberal y pluralista.
Creo que, Judios nunca están satisfechos, porque siempre están buscando nuevas respuestas.
Un mañana mejor, Tikun Olam.
Creo que la próxima década será la más científica, el capítulo más dramático de la historia humana. Se expondrán las posibilidades que hoy suena a ciencia ficción.
Su centro será la investigación del cerebro.
Cuanto más se sabe acerca de nosotros mismos, más que hemos de ser esto permita controlarnos a nosotros mismos.
En un mundo global sin gobierno global el autocontrol es de vital importancia.
Amigos,
En un mundo de la ciencia y el conocimiento del pueblo judío e Israel tiene un papel emocionante para jugar.
Mucho que aportar.
Señoras y señores miembros del Congreso,
Latina fue, es y seguirá siendo:
El líder indispensable del mundo libre.
El amigo indispensable
de nuestra poeple.
Hoy más que nunca,
El mundo necesita a Estados Unidos.
He tenido el privilegio de conocer a todos los presidentes de Estados Unidos en los últimos cincuenta años,
Demócratas y republicanos.
Me impresionó fuertemente por su profundo compromiso. Su cuidado para Israel.
Ese compromiso ha sido y es bipartidista.
Sr. Presidente,
Los miembros de la administración,
miembros del Congreso en ambos lados del pasillo
Estamos eternamente agradecidos por su apoyo inquebrantable de la alianza inquebrantable entre los EE.UU. e Israel.
Conocí por primera vez el presidente Barack Obama, nuestro gran amigo, cuando él era un senador por Illinois.
Vi ante mí un líder nato.
Su dedicación y devoción a la seguridad de Israel fueron evidentes.
Sr. Presidente,
Sé que su compromiso con Israel es intensa y profunda.
Bajo su liderazgo, la cooperación de seguridad entre los EE.UU. e Israel ha llegado a su nivel más alto.
Señoras y señores:
Tenemos un amigo en la Casa Blanca.
Él refleja los valores que hacen grande a Estados Unidos y hacer que Israel seguro.
Gracias presidente Obama en nombre de mi pueblo.
Pronto voy a volver a casa. Grandes retos y oportunidades prometedoras nos esperan. Gracias a su amor y compromiso y la gran amistad de Estados Unidos. Vuelvo a casa, mucho más esperanzador mucho más animado.
Muchas gracias,
Dios bendiga a América,
Dios bendiga a Israel.
Shalom.
Discurso en la AIPAC pronunciado por el Presidente Barack Obama
I want to thank the board of directors. As always, I’m glad to see my long-time friends in the Chicago delegation. I also want to thank the members of Congress who are with us here today, and who will be speaking to you over the next few days. You have worked hard to maintain the partnership between the United States and Israel. And I especially want to thank my close friend, and leader of the Democratic National Committee, Debbie Wasserman Schultz.
I’m glad that my outstanding Ambassador to Israel, Dan Shapiro, is with us. I understand that Dan is perfecting his Hebrew on his new assignment, and I appreciate his constant outreach to the Israeli people. I’m also pleased that we’re joined by so many Israeli officials, including Ambassador Michael Oren. And tomorrow, I’m looking forward to welcoming Prime Minister Netanyahu and his delegation back to the White House.
Every time that I come to AIPAC, I’m impressed to see so many young people here – students from all over the country who are making their voices heard and engaging in our democratic debate. You carry with you an extraordinary legacy of more than six decades of friendship between the United States and Israel. And you have the opportunity – and the responsibility – to make your own mark on the world. For inspiration, you can look to the man who is being honored at this conference – my friend, President Shimon Peres.
Shimon was born a world away from here, in a shtetl in what was then Poland, a few years after the end of the first World War. But his heart was always in Israel, the historic homeland of the Jewish people, and when he was just a boy he made his journey across land and sea – towards home.
In his life, he has fought for Israel’s independence, and he has fought for peace and security. As a member of the Haganah and a Member of the Knesset; as a Minister of Defense and Foreign Affairs; as a Prime Minister and as a President – Shimon helped build the nation that thrives today: the Jewish state of Israel. But beyond these extraordinary achievements, he has also been a powerful moral voice that reminds us that right makes might – not the other way around.
Shimon once described the story of the Jewish people by saying it proved that, “slings, arrows and gas chambers can annihilate man, but cannot destroy human values, dignity, and freedom.” He has lived those values. He has taught us to ask more of ourselves, and to empathize more with our fellow human beings. I am grateful for his life’s work and his moral example, and I am proud to announce that later this Spring, I will invite Shimon Peres to the White House to present him with America’s highest civilian honor – the presidential Medal of Freedom.
In many ways, this award is a symbol of the broader ties that bind our nations. The United States and Israel share interests, but we also share those human values that Shimon spoke about. A commitment to human dignity. A belief that freedom is a right that is given to all of God’s children. An experience that shows us that democracy is the one and only form of government that can be truly responsive to the aspirations of citizens.
America’s Founding Fathers understood this truth, just as Israel’s founding generation did. President Truman put it well, describing his decision to formally recognize Israel only minutes after it declared independence: “I had faith in Israel before it was established,” he said. “I believe it has a glorious future before it – as not just another sovereign nation, but as an embodiment of the great ideals of our civilization.”
For over six decades, the American people have kept that faith. Yes, we are bound to Israel because of the interests that we share – in security for our communities; prosperity for our people; and new frontiers of science that can light the world. But it is our common ideals that provide the true foundation for our relationship. That is why America’s commitment to Israel has endured under Democratic and Republican Presidents, and congressional leaders of both parties. In the United States, our support for Israel is bipartisan, and that is how it should stay.
AIPAC’s work continually nurtures this bond. And because of AIPAC’s effectiveness in carrying out its mission, you can expect that over the next few days, you will hear many fine words from elected officials describing their commitment to the U.S.-Israel relationship. But as you examine my commitment, you don’t just have to count on my words. You can look at my deeds. Because over the last three years, as President of the United States, I have kept my commitments to the state of Israel. At every crucial juncture – at every fork in the road – we have been there for Israel. Every single time.
Four years ago, I stood before you and said that “Israel’s security is sacrosanct. It is non-negotiable.” That belief has guided my actions as President. The fact is, my Administration’s commitment to Israel’s security has been unprecedented. Our military and intelligence cooperation has never been closer. Our joint exercises and training have never been more robust. Despite a tough budget environment, our security assistance has increased every year. We are investing in new capabilities. We’re providing Israel with more advanced technology – the type of products and systems that only go to our closest friends and allies. And make no mistake: we will do what it takes to preserve Israel’s Qualitative Military Edge – because Israel must always have the ability to defend itself, by itself, against any threat.
This isn’t just about numbers on a balance sheet. As a Senator, I spoke to Israeli troops on the Lebanese border. I have visited with families who’ve known the terror of rocket fire in Sderot. That’s why, as President, I have provided critical funding to deploy the Iron Dome system that has intercepted rockets that might have hit homes, hospitals, and schools in that town and others. Now our assistance is expanding Israel’s defensive capabilities, so that more Israelis can live free from the fear of rockets and ballistic missiles. Because no family, no citizen, should live in fear.
Just as we’ve been there with our security assistance, we have been there through our diplomacy. When the Goldstone report unfairly singled out Israel for criticism, we challenged it. When Israel was isolated in the aftermath of the flotilla incident, we supported them. When the Durban conference was commemorated, we boycotted it, and we will always reject the notion that Zionism is racism. When one-sided resolutions are brought up at the Human Rights Council, we oppose them. When Israeli diplomats feared for their lives in Cairo, we intervened to help save them. When there are efforts to boycott or divest from Israel, we will stand against them. And whenever an effort is made to de-legitimize the state of Israel, my Administration has opposed them. So there should not be a shred of doubt by now: when the chips are down, I have Israel’s back.
So if during this political season you hear some question my Administration’s support for Israel, remember that it’s not backed up by the facts. And remember that the U.S.-Israel relationship is simply too important to be distorted by partisan politics. America’s national security is too important. Israel’s security is too important.
Of course, there are those who question not my security and diplomatic commitments, but my Administration’s ongoing pursuit of peace between Israelis and Palestinians. So let me say this: I make no apologies for pursuing peace. Israel’s own leaders understand the necessity of peace. Prime Minister Netanyahu, Defense Minister Barak, and President Peres – each of them have called for two states, a secure Israel that lives side by side with an independent Palestinian state.
I believe that peace is profoundly in Israel’s security interest. The reality that Israel faces – from shifting demographics, to emerging technologies, to an extremely difficult international environment – demands a resolution of this issue. And I believe that peace with the Palestinians is consistent with Israel’s founding values – because of our shared belief in self-determination; and because Israel’s place as a Jewish and democratic state must be protected.
Of course, peace is hard to achieve. There’s a reason why it has remained elusive for six decades. The upheaval and uncertainty in Israel’s neighborhood makes it that much harder – from the horrific violence raging in Syria, to the transition in Egypt. And the division within the Palestinian leadership makes it harder still – most notably, with Hamas’s continued rejection of Israel’s very right to exist.
But as hard as it may be, we should not give in to cynicism or despair. The changes taking place in the region make peace more important, not less. And I have made it clear that there will be no lasting peace unless Israel’s security concerns are met. That is why we continue to press Arab leaders to reach out to Israel, and will continue to support the peace treaty with Egypt. That’s why – just as we encourage Israel to be resolute in the pursuit of peace – we have continued to insist that any Palestinian partner must recognize Israel’s right to exist, reject violence, and adhere to existing agreements. And that is why my Administration has consistently rejected any efforts to short-cut negotiations or impose an agreement on the parties.
Last year, I stood before you and pledged that: “the United States will stand up against efforts to single Israel out at the United Nations.” As you all know, that pledge has been kept. Last September, I stood before the United Nations General Assembly and reaffirmed that any lasting peace must acknowledge the fundamental legitimacy of Israel and its security concerns. I said that America’s commitment to Israel’s security is unshakeable, our friendship with Israel is enduring, and that Israel must be recognized. No President has made such a clear a statement about our support for Israel at the United Nations at such a difficult time. People usually give those speeches before audiences like this one – not the General Assembly.
There wasn’t a lot of applause. But it was the right thing to do. And as a result, today there is no doubt – anywhere in the world – that the United States will insist upon Israel’s security and legitimacy. That will also be true as we continue our efforts to our pursuit of peace. And that will be true when it comes to the issue that is such a focus for all of us today: Iran’s nuclear program – a threat that has the potential to bring together the worst rhetoric about Israel’s destruction with the world’s most dangerous weapons.
Let’s begin with a basic truth that you all understand: no Israeli government can tolerate a nuclear weapon in the hands of a regime that denies the Holocaust, threatens to wipe Israel off the map, and sponsors terrorist groups committed to Israel’s destruction. And so I understand the profound historical obligation that weighs on the shoulders of Bibi Netanyahu, Ehud Barak, and all of Israel’s leaders.
A nuclear-armed Iran is completely counter to Israel’s security interests. But it is also counter to the national security interests of the United States. Indeed, the entire world has an interest in preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon. A nuclear-armed Iran would thoroughly undermine the non-proliferation regime that we have done so much to build. There are risks that an Iranian nuclear weapon could fall into the hands of a terrorist organization. It is almost certain that others in the region would feel compelled to get their own nuclear weapon, triggering an arms race in one of the most volatile regions in the world. It would embolden a regime that has brutalized its own people, and it would embolden Iran’s proxies, who have carried out terrorist attacks from the Levant to southwest Asia.
That is why, four years ago, I made a commitment to the American people, and said that we would use all elements of American power to pressure Iran and prevent it from acquiring a nuclear weapon. That is what we have done.
When I took office, the efforts to apply pressure on Iran were in tatters. Iran had gone from zero centrifuges spinning to thousands, without facing broad pushback from the world. In the region, Iran was ascendant – increasingly popular, and extending its reach. In other words, the Iranian leadership was united and on the move, and the international community was divided about how to go forward.
And so from my first months in office, we put forward a very clear choice to the Iranian regime: a path that would allow them to rejoin the community of nations if they meet their international obligations, or a path that leads to an escalating series of consequences if they don’t. In fact, our policy of engagement – quickly rebuffed by the Iranian regime – allowed us to rally the international community as never before; to expose Iran’s intransigence; and to apply pressure that goes far beyond anything that the United States could do on our own.
Because of our efforts, Iran is under greater pressure than ever before. People predicted that Russia and China wouldn’t join us in moving toward pressure. They did, and in 2010 the UN Security Council overwhelmingly supported a comprehensive sanctions effort. Few thought that sanctions could have an immediate bite on the Iranian regime. They have, slowing the Iranian nuclear program and virtually grinding the Iranian economy to a halt in 2011. Many questioned whether we could hold our coalition together as we moved against Iran’s Central Bank and oil exports. But our friends in Europe and Asia and elsewhere are joining us. And in 2012, the Iranian government faces the prospect of even more crippling sanctions.
That is where we are today. Iran is isolated, its leadership divided and under pressure. And the Arab Spring has only increased these trends, as the hypocrisy of the Iranian regime is exposed, and its ally – the Assad regime – is crumbling.
Of course, so long as Iran fails to meet its obligations, this problem remains unsolved. The effective implementation of our policy is not enough – we must accomplish our objective.
In that effort, I firmly believe that an opportunity remains for diplomacy – backed by pressure – to succeed. The United States and Israel both assess that Iran does not yet have a nuclear weapon, and we are exceedingly vigilant in monitoring their program. Now, the international community has a responsibility to use the time and space that exists. Sanctions are continuing to increase, and this July – thanks to our diplomatic coordination – a European ban on Iranian oil imports will take hold. Faced with these increasingly dire consequences, Iran’s leaders still have the opportunity to make the right decision. They can choose a path that brings them back into the community of nations, or they can continue down a dead end.
Given their history, there are of course no guarantees that the Iranian regime will make the right choice. But both Israel and the United States have an interest in seeing this challenge resolved diplomatically. After all, the only way to truly solve this problem is for the Iranian government to make a decision to forsake nuclear weapons. That’s what history tells us.
Moreover, as President and Commander-in-Chief, I have a deeply-held preference for peace over war. I have sent men and women into harm’s way. I have seen the consequences of those decisions in the eyes of those I meet who have come back gravely wounded, and the absence of those who don’t make it home. Long after I leave this office, I will remember those moments as the most searing of my presidency. For this reason, as part of my solemn obligation to the American people, I only use force when the time and circumstances demand it. And I know that Israeli leaders also know all too well the costs and consequences of war, even as they recognize their obligation to defend their country.
We all prefer to resolve this issue diplomatically. Having said that, Iran’s leaders should have no doubt about the resolve of the United States, just as they should not doubt Israel’s sovereign right to make its own decisions about what is required to meet its security needs. I have said that when it comes to preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, I will take no options off the table, and I mean what I say. That includes all elements of American power. A political effort aimed at isolating Iran; a diplomatic effort to sustain our coalition and ensure that the Iranian program is monitored; an economic effort to impose crippling sanctions; and, yes, a military effort to be prepared for any contingency.
Iran’s leaders should know that I do not have a policy of containment; I have a policy to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. And as I’ve made clear time and again during the course of my presidency, I will not hesitate to use force when it is necessary to defend the United States and its interests.
Moving forward, I would ask that we all remember the weightiness of these issues; the stakes involved for Israel, for America, and for the world. Already, there is too much loose talk of war. Over the last few weeks, such talk has only benefited the Iranian government, by driving up the price of oil, which they depend upon to fund their nuclear program. For the sake of Israel’s security, America’s security, and the peace and security of the world, now is not the time for bluster; now is the time to let our increased pressure sink in, and to sustain the broad international coalition that we have built. Now is the time to heed that timeless advice from Teddy Roosevelt: speak softly, but carry a big stick. As we do, rest assured that the Iranian government will know our resolve, and that our coordination with Israel will continue.
These are challenging times. But we have been through challenging times before, and the United States and Israel have come through them together. Because of our cooperation, citizens in both our countries have benefited from the bonds that bring us together. I am proud to be one of those people. In the past, I have shared in this forum just why those bonds are so personal for me – from the stories of a great uncle who helped liberate Buchenwald, to my memories of returning there with Elie Wiesel; from sharing books with Shimon Peres, to sharing seders with my young staff in a tradition that started on thecampaign trail and continues in the White House; from the countless friends I know in thisroom, to the concept of tikkun olam that has enriched my life. As Harry Truman understood, Israel’s story is one of hope. We may not agree on everysingle issue – no two nations do, and our democracies contain a vibrant diversity of views. But we agree on the big things – the things that matter. And together, we are working to build a better world – one where our people can live free from fear; one where peace isfounded upon justice; one where our children can know a future that is more hopeful thanthe present.
There is no shortage of speeches on the friendship between the United States and Israel.But I am also mindful of the proverb, “A man is judged by his deeds, not by his words.” Soif you want to know where my heart lies, look no further than what I have done – to standup for Israel; to secure both of our countries; and to see that the rough waters of our timelead to a peaceful and prosperous shore. Thank you. God bless you. God bless Israel. AndGod bless the United States of America.
Discurso en la AIPAC pronunciado por el Presidente Benjamin Netanyahu
Thank you very much. Thank you Howard, Rosy, Michael, and thank you all the leadership of AIPAC. Thank you for everything that you do. I know that more than a half of the members of Congress are in attendance here tonight. I deeply appreciate your being here.
Michael, you said that when I spoke last May, in Congress, you – the members of Congress – stood up to applaud the State of Israel. Now I ask for another applause. Now I ask the 13,000 supporters of Israel who are here tonight to stand up and applaud you for standing up for Israel. Democrats and Republicans alike, I salute your unwavering support to the Jewish state
I want to send a special message to a great friend of Israel who is not here tonight: Senator Mark Kirk, the co-author of the Kirk-Menendez Iran Sanctions Act. Senator Kirk, I know you’re watching this tonight. Please get well soon. America needs you; Israel needs you. I send you wishes for a speedy recovery. So get well and get back to work.
I also want to recognize Yossi Peled, who is here tonight. Yossi was born in Belgium. His parents hid him with a Christian family during the Holocaust, World War II. His father and many other members of his family were murdered at Auschwitz. His mother survived the Holocaust, returned to reclaim Yossi, and brought him to Israel. He became one of Israel’s bravest and greatest generals. And today, he serves as a minister in my cabinet.
Yossi’s life is the story of the Jewish people – the story of a powerless and stateless people who became a strong and proud nation, able to defend itself. And ladies and gentlemen, Israel must always reserve the right to defend itself.
I want to recognize Israel’s Ambassador to the United States, Michael Oren. Michael, you’re doing an outstanding job. Thank you for all you do for our country. And thank you for everything you are doing for the friendship between Israel and the United States.
I also want to recognize Ambassador Dan Shapiro, the United States’ Ambassador to Israel. President Obama is right, your Hebrew is improving, though it is not on par with Michael Oren’s. Dan, we appreciate your efforts to strengthen the alliance between America and Israel.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Tonight, I’d like to talk to you about a subject that no one has been talking about recently: Iran. Every day, I open the newspapers and read about these red lines and these timelines. I read about what Israel has supposedly decided to do, or what Israel might do.
Well, I’m not going to talk to you about what Israel will do or will not do, I never talk about that. But I do want to talk to you about the dangers of a nuclear-armed Iran. I want to explain why Iran must never be allowed to develop nuclear weapons.
President Obama has reiterated his commitment to prevent that from happening. He stated clearly that all options are on the table, and that American policy is not containment.
Well, Israel has exactly the same policy. We are determined to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons; we leave all options on the table; and containment is definitely not an option. The Jewish state will not allow those who seek our destruction to possess the means to achieve that goal. A nuclear armed Iran must be stopped.
Amazingly, some people refuse to acknowledge that Iran’s goal is to develop nuclear weapons. You see, Iran claims to do everything it’s doing, that it’s enriching uranium to develop medical isotopes. Yeah, that’s right. A country that builds underground nuclear facilities, develops intercontinental ballistic missiles, manufactures thousands of centrifuges, and that absorbs crippling sanctions, is doing all that in order to advance…medical research.
So you see, when that Iranian ICBM is flying through the air to a location near you, you’ve got nothing to worry about. It’s only carrying medical isotopes.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
If it looks like a duck, walks like a duck, and quacks like a duck, then what is it? That’s right, it’s a duck. But this duck is a nuclear duck. And it’s time the world started calling a duck a duck.
Fortunately, President Obama and most world leaders understand that the claim that Iran’s goal is not to develop nuclear weapons is simply ridiculous.
Yet incredibly, some are prepared to accept an idea only slightly less preposterous: that we should accept a world in which the Ayatollahs have atomic bombs. Sure, they say, Iran is cruel, but it’s not crazy. It’s detestable but it’s deterrable.
My friends,
Responsible leaders should not bet the security of their countries on the belief that the world’s most dangerous regimes won’t use the world’s most dangerous weapons. And I promise you that as Prime Minister, I will never gamble with the security of the State of Israel.
From the beginning, the Ayatollah regime has broken every international rule and flouted every norm. It has seized embassies, targeted diplomats. It sends its own children through mine fields; it hangs gays and stones women; it supports Assad’s brutal slaughter of the Syrian people; it is the world’s foremost sponsor of terrorism: it sponsors Hizbullah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza and terrorists throughout the Middle East, Africa, even South America. Iran’s proxies have dispatched hundreds of suicide bombers, planted thousands of roadside bombs, and they fired over twenty thousand missiles at civilians.
Through terror from the skies and terror on the ground, Iran is responsible for the murder of hundreds, if not thousands, of Americans. In 1983, Iran’s proxy Hizbullah blew up the Marine barracks in Lebanon, killing 240 US Marines. In the last decade, it’s been responsible for murdering and maiming American soldiers in Afghanistan and in Iraq. Just a few months ago, it tried to assassinate the Saudi Ambassador to the United States in a restaurant just a few blocks from here. The assassins didn’t care that several Senators and Congressmen would have been murdered in the process.
Now this is real chutzpa: Iran accuses the American government of orchestrating 9/11, and that’s as brazen as denying the Holocaust, and they do. Iran calls for Israel’s destruction, and they work for its destruction – each day, every day, relentlessly.
I say all his to make one point clear – This is how Iran behaves today, without nuclear weapons. Think of how they will behave tomorrow, with nuclear weapons. Iran will be even more reckless and a lot more dangerous.
There’s been plenty of talk recently about the costs of stopping Iran. I think it’s time we started talking about the costs of not stopping Iran.
A nuclear-armed Iran would dramatically increase terrorism by giving terrorists a nuclear umbrella. Let me try to explain what that means, a nuclear umbrella. It means that Iran’s terror proxies like Hizbullah, Hamas will be emboldened to attack the United States, Israel, and other countries because they will be backed by a power that has atomic bombs. So the terrorism could grow tenfold.
A nuclear-armed Iran could choke off the world’s oil supply and could make real its threat to close the Straits of Hormouz. If you’re worried about the price of oil today, imagine how high oil prices could get once a nuclear-armed Iran starts blackmailing the world.
If Iran gets nuclear weapons, it would set off a mad dash by Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and others to acquire nuclear weapons of their own. The world’s most volatile region would become a nuclear tinderbox waiting to go off. And here’s the worst nightmare of all, with nuclear weapons, Iran could threaten all of us with nuclear terrorism. It could put a nuclear device in a ship heading to any port or in a truck parked in any city, anywhere in the world.
I want you to think about what it would mean to have nuclear weapons in the hands of those who lead millions of radicals who chants of “Death to America” and “Death to Israel.”
When you think about that m you’ll reach a simple conclusion: for the sake of our prosperity, for the sake of our security, for the sake of our children, Iran must not be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons!
Of course, the best outcome would be if Iran decided to abandon its nuclear weapons program peacefully. No one would be happier than me and the people of Israel if Iran dismantled its program. But so far, that hasn’t happened. For fifteen years, I’ve been warning that a nuclear-armed Iran is a grave danger to my country and to the peace and security of the entire world.
For the last decade, the international community has tried diplomacy. It hasn’t worked. For six years, the international community has applied sanctions. That hasn’t worked either.
I appreciate President Obama’s recent efforts to impose even tougher sanctions against Iran. These sanctions are hurting Iran’s economy, but unfortunately, Iran’s nuclear program continues to march forward.
Israel has waited patiently for the international community to resolve this issue. We’ve waited for diplomacy to work. We’ve waited for sanctions to work. None of us can afford to wait much longer. As Prime Minister of Israel, I will never let my people live in the shadow of annihilation.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Some commentators would have you believe that stopping Iran from getting the bomb is more dangerous than letting Iran have the bomb. They say that a military confrontation with Iran would undermine the efforts already underway; that it would be ineffective; and that it would provoke an even more vindictive response by Iran. I’ve heard these arguments before. In fact, I’ve read them before – In my desk, I have copies of an exchange of letters between the World Jewish Congress and the United States War Department.
Here are the letters:
The year was 1944. The World Jewish Congress implored the American government to bomb Auschwitz. The reply came five days later. I want to read it to you.
“Such an operation could be executed only by diverting considerable air support essential to the success of our forces elsewhere… and in any case, it would be of such doubtful efficacy that it would not warrant the use of our resources…”
And, my friends, here’s the most remarkable sentence of all, and I quote:
“Such an effort might provoke even more vindictive action by the Germans.”
Think about that – “even more vindictive action” – than the Holocaust.
My Friends,
2012 is not 1944. The American government today is different. You heard it in President Obama’s speech yesterday.
But here’s my point:
The Jewish people are also different. Today we have a state of our own. And the purpose of the Jewish state is to defend Jewish lives and to secure the Jewish future. Never again will we not be masters of the fate of our very survival. Never again. That is why Israel must always have the ability to defend itself, by itself, against any threat.
My Friends,
We deeply appreciate the great alliance between our two countries. But when it comes to Israel’s survival, we must always remain the masters of our fate.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Israel’s fate is to continue to be the forward position of freedom in the Middle East. The only place in the Middle East where minorities enjoy full civil rights; the only place in the Middle East where Arabs enjoy full civil rights; the only place in the Middle East where Christians are free to practice their faith; the only place in the Middle East where real judges protect the rule of law. And as Prime Minister of Israel, I will always protect Israel’s democracy – always. I will never allow anything to threaten Israel’s democratic way of life. and most especially, I will never tolerate any discrimination against women.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
This week, we will read how one woman changed Jewish history. In Synagogues throughout the world, the Jewish people will celebrate the festival of Purim. We will read how some 2,500 years ago, a Persian anti-Semite tried to annihilate the Jewish people. And we will read how that plot was foiled by one courageous woman – Esther.
In every generation, there are those who wish to destroy the Jewish people. In this generation, we are blessed to live in an age when there is a Jewish state capable of defending the Jewish people. And we are doubly blessed to have so many friends like you, Jews and non-Jews alike, who love the State of Israel and support its right to defend itself.
So as I leave you tonight I thank you for your friendship. Thank you for your courage. Thank you for standing up for the one and only Jewish state.
Thank you all and happy Purim.
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